Goh Meng Seng

This is my dedication to my family members, especially my beloved wife & daughter, and all aspiring politicians in Singapore. It will record my personal feelings arise from my political engagement in Singapore's adverse environment. It will also contain my philosophical and spiritual aspects of living which are the most important guiding principles in life and political engagement.

Tuesday, June 02, 2009

六四感想---面对和正视历史

今天接到两封由同样一人所发的电邮。第一封说有关当局不允许他的艺术团体运用艺术剧场“电力站”举行中国一九八九年六四事件的纪念集会。我本身就笑着回电邮说报业控股的早报不久前举行了五四运动纪念会,还请了中国学者来大谈以往行动党大力打击的“共产党恐怖分子”头目,中国共产党创始人之一的陈独秀,如今却对六四纪念活动如此畏惧!难道行动党现在只允许唱好以往憎恨入骨的“共产党恐怖分子”而不许人民数落这“共产党恐怖分子”的六四屠城的历史事实吗?

过了不久,这人又来一封电邮,说有关当局改变了原来的决定,有关活动可以继续在“电力站”举行。这活动其实是全世界同步举行的纪念六四的活动,所以我们预计有关当局可能考虑到会引起国际社会的议论,所以才改变主意了。再说,主办者也在接到第一道“圣旨”后,便立即申请到芳林公园演说者角落举办有关活动。如果把这纪念六四的活动搬到户外,可能会有更大的“杀伤力”!

其实对我来说,拥有不同理念的政治人物并不代表他们就是牛鬼蛇神,是什么“恐怖分子”。在许多民主国度里,他们也允许共产党参与他们的民主大选,这包括日本和许多欧洲国家。甚至美国还是允许信奉共产主义的政党注册为正式的政党。民主制度本来就是多元化和具有非常有包容性的特质。

但是,就如我教我的女儿一样,不要只认为当“兵”的就是好人,当“贼”的就是坏人。不要以这种简单的标签来评定人的好坏,而是要看看他们的言行和作为。最基本的就是要公正无私、公平、合情合理,还有要有正义感,才能裁定一个人的好坏。所以共产主义也好,资本主义也好,不管任何人打着什么旗帜,最重要的就是要认清每个人的真伪。

可是,我们最起码应该做到的是,认真面对我们的历史。是非对错,都必须以真实的心去感受、体会和认知。一个民族,一个国家,一个人民都必须有正视历史过错的道德勇气才能使他们的文明得到进一步的升华。每一次日本人试图篡改历史,扭曲历史事实时,我们亚洲人,尤其是中国人民都会很愤怒。如果他们坚持“没有南京大屠杀”的话,我想许许多多的中国人,那些经历过日本侵略的人和他们的后代都会大声抗议。但是如今在中国,甚至香港都会有人说“六四没有流过一滴血”,那么我们这国际社会是否也应该群起抗议这完全藐视历史事实的荒诞谬论呢?

我们姑且不论六四学生运动的对与错。任何有血性,理智和头脑清醒的人都会得到同样的一个结论,当权者用军队,冲锋枪和坦克大炮去对付手无寸铁的学生,这简直是冷血屠杀!这连小孩子都会认为不正确的事情,怎么还会有人去千方百计狡辩呢?

其实,从以往到现在当权者试图掩饰、漂白,甚至不让新一代中国人去真正认识这段丑陋的中国历史,我们便不难发觉其实他们是心虚!他们跟日本人一样心虚!只有心虚的人才不敢说真相,勇敢地面对他们的历史过错。有位中国朋友说得好,日本在南京大屠杀和中共在天安门广场六四屠城是有很大的分别。日本人当时是侵略者,他们是敌人对中国人民做出屠杀恶行,但是中共是以“人民解放军”去屠杀自己手无寸铁的中国人!这是多么的讽刺啊!

中国共产党也是由学生运动斗争起来的,但它却用连袁世凯和国民党蒋介石都不敢用的屠杀式的镇压手法去对付自己中国人民!这是中国共产党员必须认真面对的历史事实,正视它的罪恶和自我检讨它在这几十年执政里所犯的最严重过错。其实我相信许多人,包括受害者的家属只需要中共中央承认这个政治错误判断,平反六四运动,就是这么简单而已。以前文化大革命的受害者更是无数,也不只是一个平反,一个正视历史错误的检讨便能安抚许许多多的中国人吗?

再说,一味把学生运动说成外国帝国主义阴谋论是试图抹杀历史,漂白和遗忘当时学生和中国人民对经济改革所带来的权贵贪污腐败的现实有强烈不满的申诉。而至今中国还是面对八九年同样的社会问题。贪污官员还是一大箩,社会贫富矛盾还是非常尖锐。

刚温习唐代历史。唐太宗李世民在他最得力的助手,魏征宰相去世时说,“以铜为镜,可以端正衣帽;以历史为镜,可以知道国家兴衰的道理;以人为镜,可以发现自己的过错。”
历史是我们文明的一面镜子,试图遗忘、歪曲和篡改历史就是把这面镜子变成曲镜。曲镜会把胖的看起来变得瘦,颠倒是非,对于治理一个国家,就会存在着很大的潜在风险了。

回头看看新加坡,我们何尝不是不敢面对我们自己的历史?尤其是那对行动党来说不是很光彩的历史!那充满白色恐怖的1970年时代,那世界上没通过法庭审判而关得最久的政治犯,那许许多多以内安法令无理扣押政治对手的例子。这就是为什么我们的教科书里通常只会提到莱佛士登陆新加坡,二次世界大战至到独立,然后就奉承现在的执政党歌颂功德,丰功伟绩的“历史”。也刻意抹杀了其他许许多多对新加坡社会建设有巨大贡献的人物,如陈六使等,就因为他们跟当时的执政党意见不和,甚至抬杠,不认同他们的文化政策等!这是新加坡的悲哀。我们必须认真的去面对我们这一些历史事实,就算是对现在执政党有点不光彩,我们也必须去正视,从中学习然后对这政治体系的不足做出调整,这才对我们的后代建设更好的文明社会打好基础。

我是一个相信人终究是会有缺点的,因而相信在没有十全十美的圣人的人类政治社会里,我们就必须有自由民主制度来制衡人类丑恶的贪憎痴。纵然我认为邓小平在六四事件上做出了非常严重错误的政治判断和决定,但他在我的政治认知中还是属于一个伟人。对新加坡政治人物也一样。纵然我觉得他们在那1960和70年代里做了许多不光彩的事情,我还是会尊敬这一些先驱人物。原因很简单,人非圣贤,谁能无过?

但是,我最不能忍受的是,政治人物或政党为了自己的面子问题而刻意去试图遗忘、歪曲和篡改历史,这是对我们的后代做出最坏的事。一个没有真正的去面对自己的历史是不会有文明的进步的。

吴明盛

Tuesday, May 26, 2009

我们的历史在哪里? ——观音乐剧《天冷就回来》有感

我们的历史在哪里? ——观音乐剧《天冷就回来》有感

(2009-05-23)


● 王昌伟

  近来打算开始着手研究新谣,从中追溯新加坡建国后的社会变迁与文化进程,于是去观赏了打着梁文福新谣旗号的音乐剧《天冷就回来》(以下简称《天》),但看完之后,却有一股很强烈的焦虑感。

  尽管歌曲和剧情的配搭略嫌牵强,感情的处理也有不太细腻,但作为一个以励志与爱情故事为骨干的商品,本剧自有其成功的地方。令我感到焦虑的,是《天》无意中呈现出来的新加坡人身份认同的危机。

  剧名所示,《天冷就回来》要描述的是在国外闯荡的游子对“家”的归属感。但“家”是什么?《天》的文案这么写道:

  “当爱人小静去世,阿乐背着行囊,独自来到纽约,追求自己狂热的音乐理想。在异乡的街头,他遇上了阿强,共同的新加坡腔,共同的追求,建立起了阿乐和阿强的友谊……”

  因此所谓的“家”,就是新加坡,而制作群的商业策略之一,显然就是要借新加坡人的身份认同来引起观众的共鸣。

  但令人纳闷的是,全剧中出现的新加坡元素,就是几句被生硬地安插进去的“新式”语言,以及一两首具有本土色彩的歌曲。除此之外,“家”中能够系住阿乐的心的,就只有他对小静的爱情,而剧中的新加坡场景,就只有葬着小静的墓园,以及剧终一闪而过的市容。

  换句话说,这个“家”可以是地球上的任何地方,新加坡作为“家”的意义,在《天》中显得苍白无力,可有可无,即使制作群安排演员在全剧结束谢幕后合唱《新加坡派》,也唤不起一丝作为新加坡人的身份认同的共鸣与感动。

新加坡的历史人物缺了席

  在我看来,剧中最具讽刺性的一幕莫过于阿乐为一群新加坡移民的孩子上课。当孩子们要求阿乐教他们历史的时候,我们的男主角很尴尬地说,他最不懂的就是历史。当然,这个安排主要是为了引出《历史考试前夕》这首歌,但却了无意中道出了《天》的困境,以及岛国当前的尴尬。

  是的,我们这一代人最不懂的就是历史,包括自己国家的历史,因此当我们要建构身份认同的时候,我们就不知该从哪里取材。
  回想起我在官方教育体制下受教育的过程,我对本国历史的认识,只停留在莱佛士登陆、日据时期的苦难,以及人民行动党争取独立与把新加坡建设成一现代化国家的功绩。

  我们对从1819年到1940年代这百多年间岛国历史的认识,几乎一片空白,而出现在风起云涌的五六十年代,和官方不同调的声音与运动,不是被否定,就是被边缘化,当然也无法进入年轻一代的历史记忆中。

  政府多年来经济挂帅的“务实”政策与教育方针,更导致成长于七八十年代的新加坡年轻人对岛国过去的文化建树一无所知。

  在阿乐为孩子上课的那一幕中,舞台背景是一座教室,墙上挂着一些历史名人的画像,包括孔子、鲁迅、马丁路德金、爱因斯坦、贝多芬等等。我当下的第一个反应是,为什么没有诸如丘菽园、林文庆、陈嘉庚、陈六史、朱比赛、许云樵、张荔英等本地的思想文化名人?

  当然,这些新加坡名人在世界史上的影响力是比不上孔子鲁迅的,但在一部强调新加坡身份认同的戏剧中,我们自己的历史人物却缺席了,这不是很讽刺吗?

本地校园音乐本来也有段历史

  我想这就是《天》的困境。也许有人会说,《天》只是一部商业剧,不需要也不应该要求它具有历史意识,但这恰是问题所在。历史对一部意图刻画身份认同的戏剧作品而言,应该是很有商业价值的。

  吊诡的是,《天》的制作群如果真把上述本地历史人物的画像挂上,也许更会让观众感到一头雾水,因为观众也许根本就不认识他们,根本就无法引起共鸣。从商业的角度考量,岛国的历史对制作群而言,根本就派不上用场。

  在历史记忆被剥夺的情况下试图建构身份认同,无异于缘木求鱼,最终只能诉诸于表面的新加坡腔,至于男主角对这片土地的归属感,更只能建立在虚无缥缈的,“放诸四海皆准”的爱情之上。就如《天》的文案只能这样说:“这里只有天气,没有季节,但这里有爱,有情……”


  其实,这里也有历史,也有文化,只是因为各种原因而被腰斩删除了。犹记得新谣的第一个卡带《明天21》的第一首歌叫《沙漠足迹》,我们几乎可以把这视为当年新谣创作者的宣言:
  曾经这里是沙漠一片

  曾经这里是荒芜一片

  歌声不曾飘扬 音符不曾存在

  曾何几时曾何几时

  沙漠里印下了足迹

  曾何几时曾何几时

  足迹无尽地伸延……

  在当年这些新谣创作者的记忆中,“这里”一直都是一片荒芜的沙漠,直到他们的出现,才给这片土地带来了音符与生命。少数较有历史感的创作者会强调,新谣的其中一个源头是前南洋大学的诗乐活动。虽然我认为两者之间并没有一脉相承的关系,但诗乐的存在,就足以证明本地的校园音乐文化,在新谣之前并不是一片空白的。

  可是我相信,对当年的许多创作者与听新谣长大的年轻人来说,诗乐根本就是一个陌生的名词,而对于酝酿诗乐的那个年代,我们当然也不甚了了。这也就是为什么,《传灯》一传到彼岸就不再回来。

  被我们这一代人所遗忘的,不止是诗乐。有一首新谣叫《我们的歌在哪里》,我想我们今天应该追问的是,我们的历史在哪里?没有了历史记忆,我们该如何建构国人的身份认同?我们将来的文化,该建立在什么之上?


作者任教于新加坡国立大学中文系

Monday, April 13, 2009

台湾健保是全球典范

The following is a news article on Taiwan's Medical Insurance Scheme which is deemed as the most successful one in Asia, second to Sweden in the whole world. Yes, they do not need a multi-million annual salaried Heath Minister to come up with this. They do not need Health Minister to suggest vividly that citizens looking for cheap medical care should go across the causeway.


新华网消息最新一期亚洲周刊发表童清峰的文章指出,台湾健保制度被认为是全球典范,从医疗需求、医疗供给等项目,都获称赞,在国际排名第二,仅次于瑞典,其中主要的原因是医生卖力、医护人员薪水低、医疗纠纷少及赔偿有限,还有医疗事业大部分公营,便于政府控制。

报道说,去年诺贝尔经济学奖得主、美国普林斯顿大学经济系教授兼《纽约时报》专栏作家克鲁曼(Paul Krugman),曾于《纽约时报》专栏大赞台湾健保制度,要美国人效法。

克鲁曼认为,台湾健保制度可“提供美国全民在经济上纳保的范例”。强调短短的六年间,台湾人民的健保纳保率快速成长,从不到六成冲到九成七。而且“台湾全民纳保的成本很低,考量人口增加和收入成长,就算整体医疗费用有任何成长,也不多”。

台湾健保制度于1995年3月1日正式实施,是国民党时代连战担任“阁揆”时最亮丽的政绩,它以被保险人口投保率高、投保费率低、给付范围广及就医方便而闻名于国际。台湾健保统合工劳农保医疗给付,建立单一体制的全民健康保险,采行单一支付管道,实施总额支付制度。

全民健保具有社会保险的精神,即所谓风险分摊,在自助互助的基本理念下,年轻人赚钱分担老幼的医疗风险,达到年龄族群和世代互助,而且形成庞大健康资料库,便利卫生研究工作;而行政费用维持在百分之二以下,因而极受国际推崇。

《经济学人信息部》(EIU)在2000年就医疗需求、医疗供给等项目,将台湾医疗保健评为世界第二,仅次瑞典。美国广播公司在 2003年制作节目盛赞台湾的健保,指出每人每月平均付20美元的保费,每次看诊平均付挂号费4到10美元,就可以到特约医院找任何医师看病。近年来,来台湾取经的国家不下50个。

台湾健保堪称价廉物美,民众根据薪资多寡,每月只要付少少的钱,即可享受到各样的医疗服务,不论贫富贵贱,去大医院或小诊所,所受到的医疗服务全都一样,一视同仁,有钱人纵使想多付钱获取额外服务,也不被允许;而且就医便利,医院、诊所到处都是,自己可以选择要在哪里就诊,无须医师指定。

健保不是被保险者付费而已,企业和政府也都要分摊,台湾公司行号有替员工加劳保就一定要替员工加健保,因为两者的加保金额都是以劳保加保金额为依据,且健保是跟着劳保走。现行法令规定雇主每月为员工负担之健保费为六成,员工与眷属自付三成,政府负担一成。

台湾健保投保金额采取分级制,根据薪资等级分为十组,例如月薪最低在1万7280元(约合500美元)以下者,每月缴纳600元;月薪最高13万1700者,每月缴5400元。

外劳也被纳入健保

由于全民健保是强制性保险,无论何人都必须参加健保,包括留学生、移民者,甚至外劳等都纳入。它主要的精神是“大病看大医院,小病看诊所”,任何人看病,除了支付挂号费外,病人还须分摊部分的医疗费用。

前民进党“立委”沈富雄前年在台大医院动了心导管手术,住院四天,装了一枝血管支架,他只付了新台币近2万元,健保帮他付了几十万,若无健保,同样的手术得花费一百多万元。

台湾健保“太便宜了”

医师出身的沈富雄,是当年“立法院”中少数被公认对健保下过工夫研究者,他指出,台湾每个人所缴的健保费大概是美国的六分之一到八分之一,“太便宜了”。

台湾健保是哈佛教授萧庆伦的构想,这个构想是参考加拿大单一保险人制度,但加拿大的健保基本上是失败的,为什么台湾能成功?沈富雄分析指出,第一、台湾的医师太卖力了,不少医师一天至少看120个病人(美国平均约30个),这在全世界是绝无仅有的。其次,台湾医事辅助人员,医师除外,如护理人员、物理治疗师、营养师、心理复建师、药剂师等,用的人数相对少,薪水偏低,以护士为例,台湾护士薪水约美国的五分之一。第三、台湾医疗纠纷频率不高,医病关系很少诉讼,即便打官司,医师若败诉,赔偿金额也不高,误诊致死者,顶多赔一百到二百万台币,甚至一百万以下。第四、在美国医疗事业都是上市公司,盈亏压力大,台湾医疗事业不准上市,绝大部分是公营,有政府补贴。

相较之下,加拿大健保就没有这些优点。沈富雄指出,主要是加拿大没有效率,病人如要开一个不紧急的刀,如大腿髋关节手术,至少要排六个月以上;台湾如要开同样手术,一个礼拜就搞定。

沈富雄透露,几年前香港一度考虑采用台湾的健保制度,萧庆伦曾赴港解说,他也受到咨询实地赴港考察,最后他建议不要,港府也接受他的说法,“我觉得不要是对的。”因为这个制度只有在台湾才会成功,搬到全世界都会失败,“这是台湾特殊情况下产生开花结果的东西”。

香港制度介于台美之间
沈富雄表示,香港不适合效法台湾健保的原因,包括“香港医生没有台湾卖力、辅助医事人员比台湾多、薪水比台湾高、医疗纠纷比台湾多。”他说,香港制度介乎台湾与美国之间,美国的坏处它都有,没有美国严重,台湾的优点香港没有,例如台湾的医生勤苦耐劳、台湾医疗纠纷赔的不多,医疗事业没有上市等。

沈富雄并批评克鲁曼是个外行人,克鲁曼虽然是自由派,但心中有社会主义的色彩,所以他不完全排除政府的干预,但台湾健保是单一的提供者,比较听从单一的政府体系,而不是众多保险,而是单一保险,单一保险就是政府的角色。他只看到台湾健保的美,却没有看到内在的隐忧,因为台湾健保奠基在会崩盘的架构上,这就是要改革的原因。

政府每年健保支出近四千亿台币,但医疗专家批评每年医疗浪费达百亿元,导致健保年年亏损。沈富雄指出,健保的隐忧在于“我们收的钱的成长率不如开销的成长率”,所以每次拉成平衡,三年后就不平衡了。换言之,支出永远大于收入,因为没有节制,“没有自由市场的精神在里头。”台湾人喜欢逛医院,一个小感冒也要到大医院;有的妈妈早上带小孩看内科,如果病情未明显改善,下午再去看耳鼻喉科,在美国几乎是不可能的。

健保开销之所以居高不下有一个很重要因素是台湾人有吃药的习惯。去年一年健保药费支出达1250亿台币,较前年成长6.9%,其中台湾人吃最多的是治疗高血压、高血糖和高血脂的药物,去年吃掉323亿台币;十大健保药物排名第一的是具有降血压与保护心脏功效的“脉优”,已蝉联八年冠军宝座,一年就吃掉44亿 862万元。

台湾健保肩负着全民健康的使命,虽然官方宣称民众的满意度高达七成,却无法摆脱亏损的隐忧,如医疗资源有限、健保支出已超过保费收入等,不禁令识者忧心台湾健保究竟还可以撑多久。

台湾健保有可取之处,但不能光看它外表的花朵美丽而全盘移植,必须深入研究其特殊性,截长补短,方能避免亏损,促进全民健康。

Monday, March 23, 2009

PAP Cha Cha - One Step Forward Three Steps Back.



I have just watched the news on the proposed PAP law on political films and illegal gatherings. I have very mixed feelings at first but that lasted only for a mere 5 minutes and thereafter I begin to feel amused again by PAP's policy of micro management.

The thought of the Cha Cha dance comes into my mind straight away and yes, it is PAP's Cha Cha with its monopoly of power again. While it tries very hard to "mitigate" the "problems" brought about by the New Media, it also tries very hard to make itself looks good. Well, it tries to show Singaporeans, especially the young ones, that it is willing to "take a step forward" in "loosening up" on such rules, but in actual fact, it is taking THREE STEPS backwards in TIGHTENING the screws that the New Media has loosen for FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION as well as Freedom of Information Flow!

Incidentally, just minutes after I recompose myself from such amusement, Martyn See has sent a note to me via facebook. Yes, he has exactly the same thought I have with regards to the issue on political films. PAP's INTOLERANCE of the "mocking nature" of some creation of its critics in Youtube has prompted it to implement such rules on political films. The spin doctors of this very establishment will go around to boast about the "OPENNESS" of PAP for the coming few days but in actual fact, what the PAP government tries to do is to try to erase away all those grey areas and deprive its Internet Critics a platform to dance around. But of course, the PAP policy think tank will have to hoodwink Singaporeans into thinking that PAP is actually "loosening up" when in actual fact it is trying very hard to tighten it up.

Singapore has the most absurd laws on Freedom of Expression. In this new era of multimedia, it actually restricts politicians and Singaporeans in the form of media expression. For example, why do we have such strange rules on "no animation" in political films? I guess the next possible ruling would be political films should be all dry and high with no jokes and satire expressions allowed!

The truth is, such absurd rules have existed in other forms in the past and present. For example, when the rock and roll bands are so common in the 1960s, the law on political rallies during elections are banned from using songs, music and any other kind of entertainment means. Luckily it does not ban opposition politicians from speaking during rallies and force them to use sign languages!

This law has its political historical background. For the benefits of my younger readers, I will have to dealt with some political history of Singapore here.

The leftist movement that helped PAP in bargaining against British Colonial rule has used songs and music very effectively in motivating and mobilizing its supporters in big and small rallies. The most active anti-Colonial movement existed in Chinese school choir and drama groups. Of course the communist elements have infiltrated into such organizations but not all of them are communists. They are just students and educated people back then trying to mobilize the Colonial subjects to protest against the British Colonial administration. Of course, PAP leaders back then have ride on this wave of anti-colonial movement to come into power. However, there was a break in the different factions within PAP back in 1963 when the faction that Lee Kuan Yew led, decided to have a merger with Malaysia so to break away from the British Colonial rule. Malaysian Malaysia was the slogan of this faction. But the other faction resisted and break away to form the Barisan Socialist party.

History has proven that that the Barisan Socialist faction is right about the merger with Malaysia. It only took two years for the merger to break. This is a great moral challenge against the PAP leadership back then. It created a serious doubt on the PAP leadership's political judgment but the next thing you know, Operation Cold Store was executed to round up all those ex-anti-Colonial fighters whom most of them are in the Barisan Socialist party. They were conveniently labeled as Communists and arrested under ISA without trial.

There may be a big grey area between Communists movement and the anti-Colonial movement. All Communists are against Colonial rule but not all anti-Colonial people were communists. It was due to this blurring perception that PAP back then was so successful in putting the Communist labels on almost all its political dissidents. After Operation Cold Store, the General Elections was called and naturally, with no strong dissidents left to contest against PAP, PAP won a landslide victory.

It was under such political background that PAP decided to eliminate the most effective tool of its dissidents which anti-Colonial elements has used against the British Colonial rulers, songs, music and drama. Right from the late 1960s throughout the whole of 1970s, we have experienced more than a decade of WHITE TERROR rule. Any artistic creations of songs, music, playwright, books, essays, poems and dramas etc that suggested any slight anti-establishment sentiments will be termed as "communist". It will be banned immediately and its authors and groups of people behind such creation will be asked to "limp kopi" (Hokkien dialect term for drinking coffee) in Internal Security Department. Many of these people were locked up in ISD without trial for weeks and months, if not years or decades.

This has resulted in Singapore becoming a cultural desert in contrast with its cultural vibrancy back in the 1950s and early 1960s where we are the Gem of Cultural revival of Southeast Asia. We were the hot bed of artistic creativity whereby many classic movies were made in Singapore instead of Hong Kong before this rule of White Terror came into play.

I have gone into length of this piece of Singapore's history to illustrate a simple fact of PAP's monopoly of power. PAP could only monopolize power via its tight control of the media as well as the suppression on the creativity creation of the people. Freedom of Expression was curtailed at a huge social and cultural cost, just for the perpetuation of PAP's monopoly of power.

This simple mindset still exists today with the latest additions to its effort in trying to control on the Freedom of Expression on the New Media, Internet. Of course, it has to be done in the guise of "openness", so to speak.

Beside changing the political film act in a bid to eliminate grey areas for other people to dance around, I believe that it is a change in law so that PAP sets to allow itself to use the New Media in the coming Snap General Elections. It has to "fight back" the overwhelming anti-PAP sentiments expressed in the New Media in the form of home made videos. Thus, it chose to limit the space for its critics while pathing the legitimate way for its own use of the New Media. At present, the political film act has unwittingly tied up PAP's hands in using Youtube and the New Media in its campaigning effort. The latest move IS NOT A SIGN OF OPENNESS but rather A MOVE TO UNTIE PAP's HANDS WHILE MAKING MORE RESTRICTIONS FOR ITS DISSIDENTS, CRITICS AND POLITICAL OPPONENTS. It is basically a ploy in laying the "FAVORABLE GROUND RULES" for PAP to enter into the New Media Battle Ground.

I would not be surprised that PAP will flush the Internet sphere with all sorts of political films of speeches and political messages once the General Elections is being called. PAP has the resources to get professional production team to do up all the films needed for this New Media campaign.

I have told many of my comrades that the BATTLE GROUND for the next and future General Elections will be fought over the New Media. I have been preparing for eventuality of the usage of the Youtube in the coming election campaign. If you have studied PAP's political behavior well, you would notice that PAP will always try to put up new rules or laws that are advantageous to them or to eliminate strong opponents' participation right before they go for elections. This will be no exception and yes, this is a BIG SIGN that PAP is really preparing for a Snap General Elections.

If PAP is all for OPENNESS on FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, why would it restrict people to film "illegal political activity"? It does not want people to know the truth on how the police treated these political dissidents via the net? This is definitely not a World Class mindset but rather, a Third Class dictatorial mindset similar to the Burmese Junta's brutal suppression of dissidents and the restrictions imposed on those who "leaks" out the "TRUTH" of what is really happening during that period!

Only a CLOSED MIND government would not want people to know the TRUTH of what is happening on the ground, whether it is legal or illegal political activities. They could ban or control the conventional press and media from giving an independent account of such events but they are helpless in preventing others to video taped it to put them up on the net! Thus, this new change to the present laws comes about, NOT in the spirit of OPENNESS or with any respect to Freedom of Expression, nor does it comes with spirit of Freedom of Information flow or respect for Truth to be told. These changes are in fact a blatant attempt to RESTRICT information flow as well as Freedom of Expression over the Internet.

Don't be fooled by such sweet sugar coating of words like "Openness", "Loosening of rules" etc etc. The real poisoned beef lies in the details.

If you ask me, the greatest HARM of these new changes lies in "the banning of filming illegal political gatherings". Is there anything to hide from the matured Singaporeans about such "illegal political gatherings"? Well, to be honest, I could only see one reason behind it. It is not the "legitimacy" of the political gatherings that matters. It is the inexperienced, clumsy and sometimes hilarious way that the police officers handled the situation that the administration is trying to hide from the public eyes. Of course, such filming may become evidences submitted to court which may contradict police statements! (From the past cases, we have seen some instances whereby police officers' statements that have been contradicted by factual video evidences that were submitted by the Non-Violence-Action group of people).

Having said all these, I don't mean to indicate any support to the NVA movement. Personally, I still believe in the parliamentary path. But I would find it strange that a self proclaimed First World Government actually want to emulate a backward Third World Dictatorship like Burma or North Korea regimes in disallowing people to report on video the TRUTH of such "illegal political activities". It would mean that reporters (alas, of course I mean the foreign journalists! The local media will naturally be gone missing!) would be banned from reporting on such events as well!

Such little change in the law has actually exposed PAP's anxiety over the negative responses ignited by FACTUAL REPORTING of what actually happens on the ground; never mind whether it is illegal gathering or not.

Personally, my take is this. PAP is fighting the losing battle over the New Media. The more it tries to control the monster, the more it exposes its own inadequacy as well as anxiety over the negative impact of the New Media that has brought upon it.

Well, folks, it seems that the Battle has just begun. All of you have done a great job back in 2006 in defying such absurd laws on political films over the New Media and I hope you will continue to push the boundaries in the coming elections.

Goh Meng Seng

Monday, March 02, 2009

雷曼迷你债券集体诉讼法律行动

请大家参考以下这两个网站以便得到关于雷曼迷你债券集体诉讼法律行动的最新动向和消息:

英语网站
华语网站

以下是关于这迷你债券投资者行动组邀请投资者参与集体法律诉讼的启示:

亲爱的迷你债券投资者,

1)在2008年结束前,我们几位持有雷曼兄弟迷你债券的投资者在接到债权分发商拒绝受理我们的投诉后,便聚集在一起探讨采取可行的集体法律诉讼行径。我们觉得我们被歧视而误销的问题根本没有被正视。我们觉得集体法律诉讼是我们讨回公道和赔偿最有效的途径。我们便成立了迷你债券投资者行动组。

2)在接触几间律师行后,我们很高兴康拉德坎帕斯律师行同意成为我们的代表律师。康拉德坎帕斯大律师本人将成为我们集体诉讼的主要代表律师。

3)我们所提出的集体诉讼将针对债券发行者(银行或证券行)和/或债券的信托公司。我们对坎帕斯律师认为我们有足够的法律理据去追讨所损失的赔偿感到非常鼓舞。

4)由于考虑到资金的关系,我们希望能结集大约1000名迷你债券投资者参与这集体诉讼行动以便能筹集最起码的法律诉讼的资金。我们希望能召集到超过这最少1000名的投资者以便使每人的诉讼费用低于预计的两千元(包括消费税)。每一位投资者所支付的律师费将是全包的。这也就是说,如果没有特殊状况出现的话,每人的律师费的顶限(如果我们胜诉的话)将是两千元或更少。

5) 这每人两千元的律师费用将只限于提早登记参与这集体法律诉讼的投资者。后来者将需付三千元或由执行委员会拟定的其他数额的法律费用。

6) 如果要成为提早登记参与这集体法律诉讼的投资者,你就必须符合以下的三个条件:

在2009年3月31日前登记并且付上五百元的订金
必须是首1000名登记的投资者
必须在2009年5月31日前付清其余的一千五百元的律师费

7) 如果你能为我们奉献时间或专能而成为我们临时委员会会员或义工,请通知我们。我们需要所有人的支持和贡献。

8) 我们呼吁所有的投资者能认真的考虑加入我们的这集体法律诉讼的行动。就算是你还没接到金融调解中心的回复,你也应该趁早加入这次行动以便我们的律师能为庭外和解做出准备,并且为一旦谈判失败后所需进行的集体法律诉讼做出适当的准备工作。

9) 请把在这网址http://drop.io/mbond03里的法律诉讼同意书和投资者资料表下载并且打印出来,填妥后把它和五百元的支票送到律师楼,地址:

M/s Conrad Campos & Company,
c/o 30 Cecil Street,
#15-00 Prudential Tower
Singapore 049712.

支票请注明“M/s Conrad Campos & Company” 收

如果你想以现金付款或你有任何疑问,请电邮miagsg@hotmail.com 以便询问详情。

你也可参考http://www.miagsg.com/Frequent-Ask-Question-in-Chinese.html 以解答你心中任何的疑问。

迷你债券投资者行动组启

Labels:

Sunday, February 15, 2009

星展高升票据投资者组织研讨会

星展高升票据投资者组织将于

2009年二月十八日
在PSB Academy Delta Road Campus, 355 Jalan Bukit Ho Swee 举行研讨会
时间:晚上六点半 登记, 七点准 开始

这次研讨会将讨论所有可行的法律途径。这研讨会只限于已经登记的会员。如果您还没登记,请即刻电邮

dbs.hn5@gmail.com 以便登记

您也可以电邮以上邮址询问详情。

Labels:

集体诉讼---请马上登记

集体诉讼---请马上登记

这是非常重要的通告。

对于那一些决定要参与集体法律诉讼的雷曼迷你债券、星展票据和其他结构性的金融产品的苦主们,你们必须现在驯联络你们的各个组长,准备进行集体诉讼。你们应该与组长登记以“原则上”同意进行集体诉讼。这将能让组长们取得你们的联络号码。这只是“原则上”同意,并没有法律约束力,你也无需在这时候付任何费用,如果你在了解整个过程后决定退出,你可以为此作出推出的要求。

在你登记“原则上”同意进行集体法律诉讼后,你也可以继续等待金融机构所提出的任何赔偿和解建议或继续向金融调解局投诉。如果金融调解局拒绝调解你的投诉,你便可以进行集体法律诉讼。

你必须现在就登记。如果你延迟登记,你就有可能失去集体诉讼的机会了。我们没法在最后一分钟帮得了你去争取你的法律权益。请点击这里以取得所有组长的联络

陈钦亮

Labels:

Tuesday, February 10, 2009

放下四记玉山留残照]--- 淡马锡总裁卸职

作者:德仁 09:51am 11/02/2009

放下四记玉山留残照]--- 淡马锡总裁卸职
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

当年拿起意气豪,

飞上名榜九天高。

购得电子剩一丝,*

买来美银挨千刀。**

已化肉酱休叹息,

错逢狼虎欲安逃?

自我憔悴大抛开,***

放下玉山留残照。

=============================
*电子,特许半导体 CHARTERED IND.
目前股值市价二角八分半28。5cts.

*美银,英美银行如花旗,美林,瑞
银和巴克莱银行等在过去的14个月内
总注入超过300亿的巨额注资。

***大抛开,何女士说“对于这个更
替过程,我们尽可能正式确立,努力
抛开自我,抛开个人,尽可能开放,
没有个人偏见。”